Tag: Fine Gael

  • ‘If they want us in power, they’re going to have to do more than greenwashing us’ – Reactions to FF/FG’s letter to the Green Party

    ‘If they want us in power, they’re going to have to do more than greenwashing us’ – Reactions to FF/FG’s letter to the Green Party

    Eamon Ryan, leader of the Green Party (Photo: GreenParty.ie)

    The Green Party is set to hold a teleconference to evaluate their official response to Fianna Fail and Fine Gael’s letter, which answers the 17 questions posed by the Greens regarding policy promises. TheCity.ie’s Kate Brayden speaks to County Clare Green Party councillor Roisin Garvey and Futureproof Clare about the vital Shannon LNG concession, and the 7% emissions target urged by the United Nations.

    In a letter published this week inviting the Greens into further governmental talks, FF and FG wrote that they “welcome the desire of the Green Party to be involved in recovering, rebuilding and renewing Ireland in the aftermath of the COVID-19 Emergency” and respect the “strong policy platform” outlined by the Greens, led by Eamon Ryan.

    Crucially, the two parties stopped short of promising a 7% emissions reduction target by 2030 – despite the fact that the EU have said the minimum reduction needed is 8% to remain outside of the 1.5C temperature increase. The target is based on the 2019 “Emissions Gap” Report from the UN Environment Programme.

    Ireland releases about 60 million tonnes of greenhouse gases each year, roughly broken down into 40 million tonnes from energy (electricity, heat and transport) and 20 million tonnes from agriculture. The country’s current annual reduction is just 3%, with The Climate Change Performance Index ranking Ireland 48th out of 56 countries for our negligent policies.

    In the document, it was written that FF and FG “would like to understand and tease out with you through talks, the specific actions that would have to be taken to achieve” the 7% reduction. 

    “We all need to understand the impact it would have on employment, poverty, agricultural practice, public transport, regional development and on the different sections of society.

    “Considerable work will have to be done to outline where and when further carbon reductions could or should come from given that we will have to significantly reboot and revive the economy,” they wrote. 

    Chair of the State’s Climate Advisory Council, Professor John FitzGerald recently commented that achieving a 7 per cent reduction in annual emissions would be extremely difficult but said: “If you do the groundwork…you could get to it in the second half of the decade.”

    The Greens emphasised the need for a just transition in their 17 point plan, which advocated for a Universal Basic Income, retrofitted public housing, affordable public transport and a significantly improved healthcare system, among others. Major changes in agriculture, public transport and energy would provide the means for the reduction in emissions.

    Despite the estimated €30 billion cost of the Covid-19 pandemic, the chair of the National Advisory Council on Climate Change has affirmed that Ireland needs to prioritise investment in climate action going forward. New research undertaken by University College Cork’s MaREI Centre for Energy, Climate and Marine states that the party’s 7% emissions reduction goal would require “transformative changes” and huge costs, but is a feasible challenge.

    ‘Is the new Green Party emissions reduction target feasible and what would it mean for the energy system?’, written by Hannah Daly, James Glynn & Brian Ó Gallachóir, asserts that the changes could bring significant health, wellbeing, economic and employment benefits to society.

    The Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael leaders committed to enacting climate legislation within 100 days of forming a government, but this legislation could fail to be implemented. The Greens are seeking concrete answers for their detailed questions on exactly how their policies would be enacted should they enter into Government with FF and FG.

    “If they want the Greens in power, they’re going to have to do a lot more than greenwashing us – there’s going to have to be proper commitment,” said Roisín Garvey, Green Party councillor in County Clare. 

    “We’re not tied to five years: Fine Fael and Fianna Fail really need us, because they know that if there’s an election now, they’d be crucified. Now is time to try and get policies we want, not just the promises that we want,” Garvey added.

    County Clare Green Party Councillor Roisín Garvey (Photo: GreenParty.ie)

    “I think Fianna Fail and Fine Gael know that, and they also know that there’s going to be huge fines from Europe if we don’t meet our targets. So I think now is a very good time for us to be in negotiations. We have a much better chance now than when we went in with Fianna Fail in 2008, when there were only six TDs. The climate crisis wasn’t being taken seriously by anybody. 

    “The fact that we have 12 TDs now since the General Election shows that it is an issue – that’s an unprecedented amount. However, FF and FG are just agreeing things in principle to get us into negotiations. But Eamon Ryan’s been around the block before, he’s not naive about it. Those 12 TDs have been in politics for a long time: they’re definitely going to be committed to getting proper timelines.”

    It’s important to note that in 2007, six Green TDs entered Government as the junior party in coalition with Fianna Fail. The party were later decimated four years later, suffering a wipeout in the General Election and losing all six of its seats. The party returned to the Dail in 2016, receiving just over one percent of the vote in local election.

    Today’s Green Party are heavily split over whether to prop up a FF/FG Government, which younger voters categorically don’t want. Younger members and outliers believe that the radical change needed simply cannot happen with FF and FG. The dramatic 2020 General Election, which saw Sinn Féin emerge with 33% of the overall vote, proved that real change is desired following years of homelessness, housing and rent crises and a deeply worrying healthcare system. The Greens are now between a rock and a hard place, facing strife for entering a FF/FG coalition and political backlash if they refuse to. What they choose now could decide the future of the party by turning their youth vote away (possibly to Sinn Féin) – but the climate is on a timer. Could they pass climate action policies with two parties who are notorious for their abysmal apathy on climate justice.

    Shannon LNG: concrete concession or vague promise?

    Stating that both parties are “committed to a pathway to phase out all fossil fuel exploration licenses”, FG and FF also claim to be open to introducing a moratorium on exploration licences for offshore gas exploration. Referring to the controversial Shannon LNG project, which would import dangerous fracked gas from Pennsylvania, the letter states:

    “Both of our parties accept that as we move towards carbon neutrality, it does not make sense to build new large-scale fossil fuel infrastructure such as liquid natural gas import terminals.”

    FF and FG mention that economic activity must be stimulated in the areas which were expecting local development plans, and exploring how strategic investment in the Shannon estuary and port infrastructure could support renewable energy.

    William Hederman of Futureproof Clare, speaking to TheCity.ie, mentioned that zero room for loopholes must be allowed by the Green Party if they want to ensure that no LNG terminals or fracked gas imports will go ahead in future:

    “A crucial first step is for the new government to tell the European Commission that Ireland wants Shannon LNG taken off the EU’s projects of common interest (PCI) list.

    “For Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil to accept that it does not make sense to build LNG import terminals is a huge milestone. It is the result of years of grassroots campaigning, particularly in Kerry, and also here in Clare, that has grown into an international coalition against Shannon LNG,” Hederman continued.

    “However, the language used by Leo Varadkar and Micheál Martin is vague and looks like they are trying to leave wriggle room. We must keep pressure on them to translate this statement into a firm commitment. Building new infrastructure such as this would lock Ireland and the EU into fossil fuels for decades, when we need to be rapidly transitioning to renewables in order to avoid catastrophic climate breakdown.”

    Fianna Fail and Fine Gael wrote that they “would need to have a shared understanding of what is meant by new fossil fuel infrastructure, what type scale does this relate to, and whether this proposed ban would apply to
    State infrastructure or to private sector infrastructure as well.”

    Stating that they would need a “clear understanding” of the State’s powers in this area and the limitations of European law, as well as international treaties, but removing Shannon LNG from the EU’s Projects of Common Interest list is very much possible.

    Extinction Rebellion poster during the 2020 General Election (Photo: Instagram)

    Speaking on the list, Roisín Garvey chastised the two parties on their unwillingness to face the realistic possibilities of climate action policies.

    “Fianna Fail and Fine Gael act like we can’t do that – but sure we all know that’s not true. They shouldn’t play us as fools. FF/FG need us more than ever, because we can bring back jobs, we can save people money in how they run their houses through retrofitting, we can put money into transport instead of cars; this is now a really good time for them to hear us out.

    “We’ve seen it happen in other countries. There have been hugely successful policies in Denmark and Scandinavia and Germany – lots of places have figured out their education, their housing, their transport: we don’t have to come out with these ideas all by ourselves. They’ve been around for years, that’s why the Greens exist, because we’ve all seen it done.”

    The 12 Green Party TDs and two Green Senators will hold a second teleconference meeting this week to evaluate their response to the joint Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael letter inviting the party into formal talks.

  • An island of refuge? Ireland’s political parties and ‘Fortress Europe’

    An island of refuge? Ireland’s political parties and ‘Fortress Europe’

    Photo: Pixabay

    TheCity.ie’s latest series, ‘An Island of Refuge?’ tackles the immigration policies of seven political parties, highlighting their views on asylum seekers, the Direct Provision system, migrants, climate refugees and open borders. Editor Kate Brayden gives an overview of the findings.

    While Ireland’s recent General Election was undeniably focused on issues based at home, we have turned our focus to the increasingly unstable global landscape and its influence on our nation’s attitude towards migration and foreign affairs.

    Éire may be known as a welcoming place, but the strain of climate breakdown is impacting far-right rhetoric worldwide – examining whether our politicians are succumbing to this issue is a key concern.

    TheCity.ie’s team of journalists interviewed TD candidates and councillors from Sinn Féin, People Before Profit, The Green Party, Labour, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil after dissecting each party’s manifesto statements on immigration and foreign policy to garner our coverage.

    In the aftermath of the election, the parties must now organise a government that will withstand the tests of the international stage. This includes policies relating to justice and climate breakdown. 

    Photo: Pixabay

    Refugees are a core part of this, with thousands risking their lives to cross the Mediterranean every year, and some losing their lives in the fight to escape war. The policies of ‘Fortress Europe’ aim to keep people from nations specifically outside of this continent out, the very people who are affected by the planet’s destruction despite having the lowest carbon footprint. How do Ireland’s political parties hope to treat them?

    Sinn Féin, possibly writing the most intriguing manifesto in terms of economic promises, have claimed that they are against open borders, but also hope to end Direct Provision. What they would replace the system with, however, is a mystery. Should they find themselves in power, they intend to avoid a situation of mass climate-related migration – not solely for the difficulty it will pose to recipient nations, but because people deserve to live in their own nations and communities. Their stance certainly needs more explanation. 

    Mary Lou McDonald celebrates Sinn Féin victory. Photo: Instagram/africaworld_news

    People Before Profit and the Green Party have socialist and left-wing policies embedded in their manifestos, with PBP acting as fierce critics of imperialism and of tyranny abroad. References are also made to the UN Security Council seat Ireland is hoping to win, as well as US military presence in Shannon Airport. The party condemn the murderous regime of Bashar al-Assad – someone largely responsible for the flight of Syrians towards Europe

     The progressive stance of the Greens is reflected in their emphasis on freedom of movement, open borders and refugee housing, and they are highly aware of climate breakdown’s role in the displacement of innocent communities in developing countries.

    Labour’s political director Nat O’Connor has taken an arguably weak stance, admitting that Ireland is not playing the part of a wealthy country, accepting a low number of refugees, but “we can’t promise to do something that we cannot do”. Housing and health are first on the priority list for the party, which are worryingly diminished following the election.

    As the party competes for control of the Dáil, Fianna Fáil is proposing long overdue complete reform of the asylum system and to improve refugee accommodation. Their manifesto has figures and policies backed up by plans, which is a (welcome) change from some of the other vague manifestos. However, it could be all talk rather than action. Pledging to speed up the asylum process, they take a leaf out of the Greens book by promising an integration plan as well as allowing asylum seekers to access driving licences. 

    In 2015, the Fine Gael-led government pledged to take 4,000 programme refugees fleeing war-torn countries like Syria by the end of 2017. Even now, we’re still well short of that quota – having resettled only 3,206 such refugees. The government has faced fierce criticism over their handling of Direct Provision, with Fine Gael ministers exhibiting resistance to change. Former Minister for Justice Charlie Flanagan promised to improve the party’s numbers when it comes to refugee placements, but are they to be believed?

    Irish communities held protests last year nationwide, rejecting the possibility of new Direct Provision centres opening in their area. Migrants rights groups such as the Movement of Asylum Seekers of Ireland insisted that these protests were not to support asylum seekers, but were rooted in racial undertones “dressed up in human rights language”.

    “The Irish of #Fingal have voted once again for their own extinction,” O’Doherty posted on Twitter following the result.

    Interestingly, only 1 per cent of respondents cited immigration as a main voting concern of GE2020 in the Ipsos MRBI exit poll for The Irish Times/RTÉ/TG4/UCD. Within this umbrella topic, climate refugees, asylum seekers  as well as migrants are all grouped. 

    Desolate refugee camps. Photo: Pixabay

    There are important distinctions to be drawn between asylum seekers, migrants and refugees – but these terms often get mixed up in the course of public debate on what is a complex topic. The issue will only become more onerous as CO2 emissions cause further destruction in the Global South, South-East Asia, Australia, Canada and the US. 

    The movement of people has already led to dangerous, inhumane situations in the refugee camps of Libya and Greece, with the European Union recently rejecting a voting to ask members to step up search-and-rescue missions in the Mediterranean.

    An asylum seeker is someone seeking refugee status – but whose application has not yet been approved. In the meantime, as long as they’ve made an application for asylum to the country they’ve landed up in – usually on the basis they were forced to flee their home country – they are entitled to remain in the destination country while their request is being processed. If it’s ultimately approved, then they have permission to remain. If it’s rejected, then they’ll be deported. 

    Though some, who fail to qualify as refugees, are granted subsidiary protection to remain.  Migrants are not fleeing persecution; instead they choose to move country – often for economic reasons.  

    Those defined as refugees have been recognised as such under the 1951 Refugee Convention of the UN, while programme refugees have their claims formally assessed in refugee camps overseas – and are invited to the destination country under a resettlement programme.   

  • Housing crisis ‘mustn’t stop us helping refugees’, says former housing minister 

    Housing crisis ‘mustn’t stop us helping refugees’, says former housing minister 

    Refugees arriving at the refugee camp of Vinojug in Gevgelija, Macedonia, after having crossed the border with Greece at Eidomeni on December 23, 2015

    By Paul Caffrey 

    Ireland must continue to provide homes to vulnerable refugees in 2020 even though our own housing crisis makes the issue “specifically pointed”, a Fine Gael Senator has said. 

    Former housing minister Paudie Coffey spoke exclusively to TheCity.ie after this website established that his ruling party has been falling short of its stated targets for refugee resettlement since 2015.  

    Stressing that he was expressing his personal views and not those of his party, the ex-TD said Ireland must stay committed to helping those forced out of their own countries – despite us facing a “housing challenge” on the domestic front.

    Former Housing Minister for Fine Gael, Paudie Coffey

    Locals in Waterford, where the Senator is based, have played a crucial role in welcoming refugees to Ireland.

    This was despite initial controversy in the county about turning a popular three-star Dungarvan seaside hotel into a refugee centre.  

    Senator Coffey said there had been “a lot of unrest” in his political backyard at first in 2015 – but that the scheme ultimately became a success in terms of integrating the new families into the community.  

    In 2015, the FG-led government pledged to take 4,000 programme refugees fleeing war-torn countries like Syria by the end of 2017. 

    But even now, we’re still well short of that quota — having resettled only 3,206 such refugees here since 2015, according to figures supplied to TheCity.ie by a Fine Gael spokesperson. 

    And Justice Minister Charlie Flanagan has vowed to home 2,900 more in Ireland between now and 2023. 

    International development policy features prominently in Fine Gael’s election manifesto that promises to “continue to play our part in the EU’s response to meeting the needs of asylum seekers and refugees”. 

    Welcoming 50 Syrian refugees to Mosney, Co. Meath — once Ireland’s most popular holiday camp — at the end of last year, Minister Flanagan said it was “only right and proper that Ireland plays its part and offers a helping hand to those less fortunate than ourselves.”

    Ireland is currently the only EU country in the running for a non-permanent seat on the United Nations security council in 2021. 

    Certainly, a solid track record on the international assistance front would be a prerequisite for impressing the New York-based bigwigs.   

    In Dungarvan, Co. Waterford, over 100 refugees have been housed in the picturesque Clonea Strand Hotel.

    Housing crisis. Credit: Unsplash

    But the original implementation of that plan wasn’t all plain sailing.  

    In late 2015, there was a spat in Senator Coffey’s constituency when plans to move 90 Syrian refugees into the beachside hotel were announced. 

    Like Mosney once had been, it was a popular destination for tourists and Irish families on staycations alike. 

    At that time, several local business people, county councillors and locals in Dungarvan reportedly complained that the tourist spot was “inappropriate” for refugees.  

    They claimed that placing the Syrian families in the Clonea Strand would have a negative impact on local business. 

    One man reportedly told an emergency meeting that he did not “like them being housed on my doorstep”.  

    But ultimately, the scheme became a success and a further 40 refugees were homed in Waterford in 2016. 

    Then in 2017, Waterford locals set up a programme of events to help the Syrian families feel a “sense of inclusiveness” in Ireland. 

    Speaking ahead of Saturday’s General Election, Senator Coffey said he fully supports the continuation of the Irish Refugee Resettlement Programme during 2020 and beyond. 

    Previously, he served as junior minister in charge of housing under Enda Kenny’s leadership.

    The senior Fine Gael politician told TheCity.ie last night:

    “I think if Ireland considers itself a modern, developed society, then we do have a responsibility to care for those that do seek refuge.”  

    Recalling some strong opposition to the resettlement scheme being rolled out in his constituency five years ago, he said: “I wasn’t against it.  

    “There was a lot of unrest.  

    “I think we should continue the programme.  

    “It is specifically pointed because we have a housing challenge.  

    “But we have a responsibility to assist those seeking refuge. 

    “I understand they have a good quality of life in Dungarvan.

    “And from my experience, they’ve been integrating into the community quite a bit.”

    Indeed, ordinary Waterford locals set up the Déise Refugee Response Group in 2017 saying the refugee families deserved “at the very least, our compassion, patience and kindness – but most of all action to help.” 

    Their group collects food, toys and supplies — including clothes, dolls, colouring pencils and soccer boots — for the Syrian families.   

    Over the past decade, Ireland has also welcomed Somalian, Sudanese and Rohingya refugees. 

    However, the Childrens’ Rights Alliance (CRA) last year expressed concerns about how good a life Ireland can offer refugee families — particularly the children. 

    About 1,200 of the first 2,500 refugees admitted to Ireland following the 2015 pledge were children.  

    In a report last September, the CRA pointed to language barriers in education and recreational activities as well as mental health issues among the youngsters. 

    The CRA also highlighted instability in accommodation and a lack of interpreters available to help refugee children. 

    Meanwhile, if returned to Government this weekend, Fine Gael is also vowing to meet the “huge challenge” of increasing the Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) programme to 0.7% of gross national income by 2030. 

    The party’s manifesto says: “This will be a huge challenge – a trebling of our current commitment. It will require cross-party commitment across the Dáil.” 

    Break-out panel: Paul Caffrey
  • Fine Gael’s €1.2 million deficit following 2016 election

    Fine Gael’s €1.2 million deficit following 2016 election

    Fine Gael saw its deficit rise to €1.2 million in 2016, whereas Fianna Fáil was in position to deliver a surplus of €500,000 according to the annual financial accounts released on Thursday.

    This drop in finances, according to Fine Gael’s report, has been a result of the ‘disappointing’ election, with the number of members in the Oireachtas falling lower than anticipated, and funding being affected by this.

    According to a party spokesman, “Fine Gael also has a strong fundraising function, raising €1.4m gross in 2016.” The party took out a loan of €1.6 million to cover election expenses.

    According to the publication of Fine Gael’s 2016 donors and donations, they publicly declared receiving €65,324 as a party, and its TDs declared receiving €23,190.

    Interestingly, Fianna Fáil didn’t declare any funding as a party in 2016 (declarations are only mandatory if over €1,500 from the same individual in that year).

    Eleven Fianna Fáil TDs, the Ceann Comhairle Seán Ó Fearghail and Senator Lorraine Clifford-Lee, declared that they personally were donated a total of €19,500. This is the only record of donations associated with Fianna Fáil that has been made public from 2016.

    With the news emerging that Fianna Fáil are in a better financial position than Fine Gael after the cost of the 2016 election, it’s interesting to note that Fianna Fáil declared that they didn’t receive any substantial donations (over €1,500 by the same person), whereas a small party like the Socialist Party received €39,518 in donations.

    Fianna Fáil have stated that 72% of their donations are small figures, but “made by a large number of people”.  However, in these records of donations from 2016, there is no indication that more substantial donations (the other 28%) were made at all that year.

    By Mary-Kate Findon

     

  • Who’s going to run the country?

    Who’s going to run the country?

    Over the last few months we’ve seen a number of opinion polls showing a spectacular rise in popularity for independent politicians and smaller parties. How Dáil Éireann is going to look after the next election is anybody’s guess.

    The latest poll conducted by Ipsos MRBI and published in The Irish Times showed independents and others on 32 per cent, a whole 10 per cent ahead of the next biggest grouping, Sinn Féin.

    So how exactly is this going to work? Independents and smaller parties are never going to manage to come up with an agreement to form a government so it looks like a hodge-podge coalition is the only solution.

    With Fine Gael on 19 per cent and Fianna Fáil on 21 per cent, even a coalition of these two unlikely bedfellows wouldn’t manage to come up with a majority.

    Is a ‘grand coalition’ the only option left? John A. Costello was Taoiseach and head of a government made up of five different parties, as well as a number of independent TDs. That coalition managed three years before collapsing during the fallout from the Mother and Child Scheme.

    But would a modern day grouping like Costello’s manage any longer, or even that long?

    Following every poll we hear how people are disillusioned with the political system and are desperate for change. Those changes might yet occur, but if they do who is going to get into bed with who?

    The City spoke to representatives of the main parties to find out what they think.

    Image Jean Housen http://bit.ly/1sfKZvv